Who says there are no choices in POLITICS?

We've heard the complaints. The state Legislature is a circus. The local candidates are clowns. The federal races always come down to Tweedledum and Tweedledumber.

Sure, the presidential primary is a bit of an anticlimax. Yeah, with a few exceptions, the important choices for legislative and congressional candidates come in fall, when the Republicans and Democrats (and, in some races, Libertarians) go at each other, rather than themselves. It's hard not to notice the paucity of women and minorities in city races. And, yes, it's true, one of the 24 mayoral candidates actually does wear face-paint and drive a funny car.

But that doesn't mean the May 18 election is a joke.

With less than two weeks to go, the open City Council seat is up for grabs. The mayor's race took a dramatic turn last week when Erik Sten snubbed the frontrunner, fellow commissioner Jim Francesconi, and endorsed ex-police chief Tom Potter. And there are some very serious and exciting candidates on the ballot, including a couple of Washington County Republicans who have a shot at ending up in Congress.

In the past month, we've met more than 75 incumbents and wannabes, ranging from presidential hopeful Dennis Kucinich, who outlined his nine-month plan to get the U.S. out of Iraq, to a mayoral longshot who showed up a day late for his midmorning endorsement interview fresh from a meeting with Old Grand-Dad.

In the pages that follow, we've listed our picks in more than 30 contested races that appear on local ballots. Now it's up to you to decide whether we deserve commendations--or a box of rubber noses.

ENDORSEMENTS city

^MAYOR OF PORTLAND

Tom Potter

Independence, principles and experience make Potter the choice.

As a metaphor that might be useful in thinking about how to choose Portland's first new mayor in 12 years, consider your own physical condition.

Most of us would like to be in better shape. But instead of doing the work, we pay for unused gym memberships, pursue fad diets, make tired excuses and buy looser clothes.

Tom Potter does the work. Other candidates repeat platitudes about getting the money out of politics. Potter just says "no" to contributions over $25. That decision angered supporters and cost him hundreds of thousands of dollars and maybe this race. But Potter means what he says.

Potter's chief opponent, two-term City Commissioner Jim Francesconi, is low-carbin' it one day, filling his closet with new workout gear the next.

Is Francesconi the former Jesuit volunteer who led the progressive Portland Organizing Project on behalf of the city's powerless? Or is he the maniacal fundraiser who shunted his personal opposition to the Iraq war aside to vote as ordered by the Portland Business Alliance?

Nobody disputes that the former workers'-comp lawyer has a big heart, but his accomplishments after more than seven years in office could be inscribed on a matchstick. His proudest achievements: asking for audits of Portland Public Schools and the Parks Bureau and co-founding an afterschool program.

On the issues of the day, Francesconi waffles--we defy you to define his position on gay marriage, because he cannot--or is just plain wrong, as in his unwillingness to contemplate the potential benefits of public ownership of PGE.

Potter, who retired as Portland's police chief in 1993, is best known for his advocacy of community policing, a fancy name for officers getting out of their squad cars and into neighborhoods. He recently showed guts by insisting that cops fill out a report every time they draw their guns--thereby forfeiting any chance at the police-union endorsement.

But Potter is far more than a successful cop--and the positions he's staked out show it.

Contrary to what one might expect of somebody who wore a gun for nearly 30 years, Potter is a vocal defender of those who live on the streets. After leaving the police bureau, Potter ran New Avenues for Youth, an innovative provider of services for homeless kids.

He has visited Dignity Village and says it's the first example he's seen of the homeless taking responsibility for themselves. He calls the terrorist threat to Portland's reservoirs nonsense and is more than willing to consider public power, which federal government statistics show is cheaper than the juice supplied by investor-owned utilities. The father of an openly gay police officer, Potter is an advocate for same-sex marriage and, in a face-to-face exchange at City Club this spring, challenged Gov. Ted Kulongoski for his squishiness on the issue.

Weaknesses? Potter's got a few. Having been out of public life for a decade, his résumé's a little stale. And like better-known mavericks such as Sen. John McCain, his fondness for principle and independence can veer toward annoying self-righteousness.

At times, Potter's unwillingness to choose political expedience seems almost self-destructive, as when he chose to endorse three of Randy Leonard's opponents. (Leonard is also a career public-safety official and is close to Potter's daughter.)

A few of the other 21 candidates in this race deserve mention. James Posey is a contractor who proved to be an effective voice for outsiders, though he often lacks specifics. Portland Mercury managing editor Phil Busse, meanwhile, launched an energetic campaign that did more than all his opponents' combined to reach out to young voters. Our excitement for him is tempered by the easy disregard for the truth he's shown as a journalist (see "KO'ed on Salon.com," WW, Oct. 3, 2001) and the lack of detail he offers for many of his ideas. And there's cover model Scot Campbell, a.k.a. Extremo the Clown. Although the humor advocate didn't get our endorsement, we did like his Voter's Pamphlet statement: "With your help we can make my dreams come true."

^CITY COUNCIL Position 1 (Citywide)

Nick Fish

One case where experience works against a candidate.

Voters deserve more political races like this one. Both of the leading candidates--Sam Adams and Nick Fish--are smart, energetic and funny.

The similarities go further. Both object to covering the Mount Tabor reservoirs; both support education, more jobs, more efficient government, gay marriage, mom and apple pie.

But there are significant differences, beyond the fact that Fish, the straight, married father of two, is a Harvard-educated New Yorker whose political lineage extends to the Garden of Eden, while Adams is a gay University of Oregon grad who grew up on public assistance. In a nutshell, a vote for Adams is a vote for the status quo and an endorsement of the style and substance of the 12-year reign of his former boss, Mayor Vera Katz.

Adams served as Katz's chief aide in the Legislature and helped her become mayor in 1992. He served as her chief of staff until resigning last August. Organized and disciplined, Adams deserves credit for keeping Katz on task and often doing the dirty work, whether it was saying no to city unions or trying to fix the Business Income Tax.

But insofar as Katz has proved to be a disappointment, Adams must share the blame.

It is not our intent to use this endorsement to trash Vera Katz, but Portland has not had a good run during the past decade. While the larger economy has had much to do with this, stumbles in the mayor's office have not helped. The botched deal with Portland Family Entertainment, the loss of Columbia Sportswear's headquarters, the fruitless chasing of Major League Baseball, the inability to move this city forward in a number of areas: All can be laid at the feet of our mayor--and her trusty chief of staff.

At the Candidates Gone Wild! debate earlier this month, questioner Steve Novick noted that Adams had been asked at an earlier event to give Katz a grade and gave her a C+. Novick went on to ask, "Couldn't you have found something better to do with your life than work for a C+ politician? And how much personal responsibility do you take for not raising her up to at least a B?" Adams ducked the question.

We have an additional problem with Adams: He does not believe the public's business should be done in public. His entire career has been marked by a desire for secrecy. It's the reason he supported Katz when she hid crucial information about the PFE negotiations not just from the public, but from her fellow council members.

And while we won't hold against Adams the fact that he filed for personal bankruptcy back in 1989, we are troubled by the fact that (despite earning a good salary as Katz's chief of staff) he didn't repay his creditors until March 2002, when he began to think seriously about running for office.

Fish, an employment lawyer, is as open as Adams is secretive. (Who else do you know who makes fun of his own hair plugs?) More ubiquitous on downtown sidewalks than any panhandler, he is a nonstop networker. After arriving here in 1996, he plugged himself into organizations ranging from Portland State University, where his wife teaches, to the Women's Crisis Line to the Housing Authority of Portland.

Critics worry that he's a terminally nice guy who just wants to follow the family tradition of public service and cannot spell "no."

That's not necessarily true. At HAP, he supported the layoff of 50 staffers and opposed the longtime plan of bringing in world-renowned architect Frank Gehry to design low-income housing. He told parking-lot boss (and campaign contributor) Greg Goodman that his plan for a downtown skating rink was a no-hoper, and he opposes the Portland Armory boondoggle, the pet project of Gerding/Edlen Development, which is also supporting him.

Several of Adams' former colleagues in the mayor's office are supporting Fish, and so do we. His energy, honesty and openness will serve Portland well.

^CITY COUNCIL | Position 4 (Citywide)

Randy Leonard

The incumbent deserves another term--but should heed the critics' siren calls.

This election ought to be like a fire alarm in Randy Leonard's office.

It's rare for an incumbent city commissioner to attract credible opposition. But in 18 months in office, Leonard has managed to infuriate enough people to attract more than a half-dozen knowledgeable, passionate challengers.

The neighborhood activists who oppose Leonard have been dismissed as process-loving whiners. That's inaccurate.

Frank Dixon served as an aide to Commissioner Dan Saltzman, Bonny McKnight has been a respected voice in East County politics for decades, and Mark Lakeman's community-building projects have won him admirers citywide. Paul Leistner, the former research director for City Club, knows what's he talking about and has played a major role in stopping the Mount Tabor reservoir cap.

Those are just four of the gang that says Leonard is autocratic, disrespectful and overly fond of hiring his pals.

They've got a point. Leonard, who knows only one speed--turbo--is sometimes wrong but never, ever in doubt. And when challenged, he goes Rottweiler in the blink of an eye.

Complaints from neighborhood leaders range from trivial (his attempt to rename the Office of Neighborhood Involvement) to more substantial (his overhaul of the role of Crime Prevention Officers). They don't like his support of "skinny lots," the 25-foot-wide parcels favored by aggressive developers, and think he caved to retailer Dick Singer, who wants parking garages in Northwest.

OK, Leonard's not perfect. But let's not forget, he charged into a city government that barely had a pulse. He's changed that and, despite what critics say, has done so courageously and often without much regard to the desires of some of the people who back him.

He took on the powerful restaurant and booze lobby to pass an ordinance that cracks down on rowdy bars. He reined in the towing industry and invested in taxi safety. He lambasted the tax breaks in the Pearl and, alone on the council, voted against the biggest piece of development pork in recent months, the extension of the Downtown Waterfront Urban Renewal District.

Having been skeptical of public power, he did his homework and embraced the city's attempt to buy PGE, which had been a big supporter of his. He grabbed the Bureau of Licenses by the lapels and shook hard, galvanized the Bureau of Development Services and in the past seven months accomplished more than mayoral favorite Jim Francesconi has in seven years.

We appreciate Leonard's challengers' highlighting his shortcomings. He ought to listen to them (and others) carefully and encourage staff to challenge him more often. But overall, Randy Leonard is just what City Hall needs.

federal

^PRESIDENT UNITED STATES

DEMOCRAT John Kerry

Why? One word: Iraq.

Many will view this endorsement as a waste of space. Those who support John Kerry will wonder why we even took the time to give him what he surely does not need; those whosupport Dennis Kucinich will say we sold out.

Yep, this endorsement may be of no value to anyone, but it will be cathartic for us. So here goes:

There are many reasons to support Kerry to be the Democratic presidential candidate this fall: his years of experience in the Senate, his voting record on a number of issues that we agree with, and the integrity he has demonstrated both as a private citizen and a public official.

Are we impressed with his campaign? Not particularly (if we had an SUV parked in the driveway at home, we'd know it). Will he be good for our economy? We don't have a clue. Will he undertake the necessary reform this country desperately needs in health care? Don't know. But of this we are sure: The situation we face in the Middle East is, to put it mildly, one hell of a shit-twister. Our ability to enfranchise the rest of the world and pull back from one of the greatest foreign-policy blunders in American history is far more likely with John Kerry in office than anyone else currently in the president's race we can think of.

That includes Kucinich. The Ohio congressman has turned Oregon into his adoptive home in an effort to make a small splash before Kerry basks in the convention applause. To be honest, we wouldn't mind seeing Kucinich garner enough support here to remind Kerry and other Democrats that it's not enough to be less bad than Bush and that peace is more than the cessation of armed conflict.

The problem is that to endorse him, we'd need to overlook the fact that Kucinich was an unsuccessful mayor (of Cleveland) and has been ineffective on Capitol Hill--not that Kerry has lit up the D.C. sky.

Kucinich is most compelling when speaking about the ticking time bomb in Iraq, and we hope Kerry is taking notes. In fact, Kucinich told WW that he thinks his Democratic rival has the "capacity" to lead the nation out of the mess. We agree, which is why we're endorsing him.

^U.S. SENATE

Tom Potter

Randy Leonard

His appreciation of the courts was, he freely admits, learned the hard way. In 1967 he was convicted of draft dodging only to have his sentence overturned after six months in prison.

We strongly question the qualifications of Wollheim's opponent, Bend lawyer Phil Brockett. A Texas immigrant, he has only been licensed to practice law in Oregon for two years and has never been a judge. In a telephone interview, Brockett called his work ethic a strength--but in the same breath said he tries to work no more than 45 hours a week. He asked us not to mention his claim of having worked for the Central Intelligence Agency--though he himself mentions it in the Voters' Guide.

In the state bar's poll, Oregon lawyers preferred Wollheim 1,998 to 451.

^STATE SENATE DISTRICT 25

Gresham, Troutdale, Wood Village, Fairview)

DEMOCRAT Rod Park

Dirt under his nails and a solid head on his shoulders.

When Ted Kulongoski tapped Republican state Sen. John Minnis to head Oregon's police training program, the Democratic governor set off a nasty primary battle within his own party.

When it comes to legislative nuts and bolts, state Rep. Laurie Monnes Anderson, 58, has the edge in this race for a rare open seat that the Dems desperately want to take in fall. But, after two terms, the registered nurse has little to show for her familiarity with the hardware.

To be sure, her medical knowledge has come in handy, and no one doubts the sincerity of her efforts for schools. But in WW's biennial assessment of metro-area lawmakers, Salem observers judged Monnes Anderson one of the least effective members of the local delegation.

Rod Park, on the other hand, has emerged as one of the brightest, hardest-working regional leaders. Since winning his Metro Council post in '98, the 49-year-old has helped improve the agency's accountability while being an important moderate voice in calling for the preservation of farmland. His hands-on agricultural experience (his family has long run a Gresham nursery) is sorely needed in a party dominated by city dwellers. "I spend a lot of time trying to get urban folks to understand that farming is a verb, not a noun," he says.

And while Monnes Anderson has blasted Park for giving contributions to Clackamas County Republicans, we view it as a smart move for a member of a nonpartisan council that's viewed as too liberal.

The third candidate in the race is Vern Cook, a former state senator who was first elected when Eisenhower was president and is running now to regain the seat for the Democrats. Many partisans agree with Cook's goal but back a different champion: Among those urging Park to run was the governor himself. In this case, we think he made the right choice.

^STATE HOUSE DISTRICT 29

Hillsboro, Cornelius, Forest Grove

DEMOCRAT Chuck Riley

A quiet but informed challenger shows improvement in his second bid.

Two years ago we were underwhelmed by Chuck Riley when we endorsed him in his unsuccessful run against Republican Mary Gallegos. Since then, the gnomish Hillsboro computer consultant has sharpened his answers and focused his campaign.

Riley, 64, holds traditional Democratic views, buttressed by some real-world business experience (his clients have ranged from small shops to Portland General Electric) and civic involvement.

His opponent, Elena Uhing, who serves on the Forest Grove planning commission, agreed with almost all of Riley's positions during our interview. A former analyst for Tektronix, Uhing says her strength is her ability to bring people together. She then proceeded to interrupt Riley, who was explaining the state's efforts to control prescription-drug costs in 1999.

Riley used the term "we," and Uhing accused him of implying he was an incumbent. We'll chalk it up to first-time-candidate jitters, but it made us question her bridge-building skills.

Uhing, 49, also suggested that Riley, being from Hillsboro, wouldn't look out for the west end of the district. Yet, he's got the endorsement of the Forest Grove News-Times, three city commissioners and the head of the Forest Grove school board. Now he's got ours, too--this time with more enthusiasm.

^DISTRICT 33

West Hills to Beaverton

DEMOCRAT Mitch Greenlick

More Mr. Hyde than Dr. Jekyll.

When freshman Rep. Mitch Greenlick arrived for the 2003 session, people wondered, were they getting the brainy health-policy wonk whose résumé looked better than most congressional candidates'? Or the thin-skinned, egotistical blowhard who alienated many who worked with him on a plethora of public panels? In WW's biennial survey of Salem insiders, the consensus was he showed more of Mr. Hyde than Dr. Jekyll.

Greenlick, 69, a professor emeritus at Oregon Health & Science University, had a solid rookie year. He used his health-care background to help craft and pass a prescription-drug law, establish a committee to study patient safety and boost penalties for motorists who get too close to ambulances. But he refused to be a one-issue lawmaker, working on bills to tow abandoned cars off of freeways and sell airport property.

His opponent, Frank Saxton, jumped in the race because he felt Greenlick shouldn't get a free pass. However, he's not running an active campaign and offers no proof for his accusation that the incumbent is "bought and paid for by special interest money."

^DISTRICT 35

West Portland, Beaverton, King City, Tigard

REPUBLICAN Brad Fudge

A sweet choice for moderate Republicans and independents.

When former Republican Rep. Max Williams gave up this seat to run Oregon's prison system, GOP leaders were thrilled. Finally, they had a chance to put a real Republican in office--that is, someone who toes the line on their "no tax, no abortion, no gay marriage, no more guff to Speaker Karen Minnis" agenda.

That's why they encouraged former Eagle Forum president Suzanne Gallagher, who's backed by Oregon Right to Life, to file for the GOP primary (See "Elephant Stew in Tigard," WW, April 28, 2004). Gallagher, 56, a Tigard interior-design consultant, says she thinks there's too much government regulation on business, but couldn't point to a single piece of red tape to cut.

Pro-life, anti-tax Republicans would do better to cast their vote for Phil Yount, 67, a straight-talking semi-retired insurance executive who was appointed to fill Williams' vacant seat in January. Yount shares most of Gallagher's views (though he lost the Right to Life endorsement by his support of the voter-approved assisted-suicide law) and has worked hard to get up to speed on state issues.

Neither Gallagher nor Yount, however, shows as much promise as the third candidate in the race. Brad Fudge, like Max Williams, is an independent thinker. The 50-year-old business consultant, who specializes in trailer-park management, would look for alternatives to new taxes first, but won't sign any pledges about never raising them. He thinks equal rights includes gays and lesbians and believes the choice about whether to end a pregnancy belongs to women, not the Republican House Caucus.

Those qualities would serve him well not only in the general election (60 percent of the district is pro-choice) but in the Legislature. "On 99 percent of the issues, I'll probably agree with the House majority leadership," he says. "But if you don't build bridges to the Democratic side, you won't ever reach consensus." We encourage Republicans to send that message to party leaders with a vote for Fudge.

^DISTRICT 37

Lake Oswego, Tualatin, West Linn

DEMOCRAT Jim Morton

A Democrat who knows what it's like to meet a payroll.

Someone forgot to tell Jim Morton that Democrats can't win this seat, which is being vacated by Randy Miller, dean of the Country Club Republicans.

Morton, 56, who serves on the West Linn Budget Committee, has the kind of background desperately needed in Salem. He's a social progressive and fiscal realist who, for more than 25 years, did what many lawmakers only talk about: He created jobs.

Morton was the second employee hired by Associated Furniture Manufacturers in 1978. He ended up co-owning the Portland-based business, which had a payroll of 90 when he sold it six years ago (to local buyers). He knows what it's like to lay off employees during tough times and expand operations during booms.

While Morton had his share of frustrations in seeking zoning changes, he thinks complaints about government regulation are often exaggerated and promises of "growing jobs" too simplistic. That kind of realism is crucial to finding common ground in the Legislature.

The other candidate in the race is Gerritt Rosenthal, 59, an affable environmental consultant who specializes in industrial cleanup. The Reed grad was out of the country during the first part of the campaign and has been playing catch-up ever since. While his background in environmental regulations, hazardous waste and land-use planning would be helpful in Salem, he can't match Morton's broad knowledge of state issues, particularly in money matters, which will dominate the 2005 session.

^DISTRICT 42

Southeast Portland

DEMOCRAT Diane Rosenbaum

A down-to-earth progressive in a hippy-dippy district.

Few lawmakers in Salem are as well-matched to their districts as Diane Rosenbaum. An unapologetic champion of women's rights, organized labor, minimum-wage workers and the environment, the three-term representative and Reed grad is happy doing the people's business. And she's good at it, earning a reputation for getting things done without selling out.

Last session Rosenbaum, a Qwest technician, led the effort to raise the corporate minimum income tax (stuck at $10 since 1931) and get insurance companies to cover birth-control pills. We didn't agree with her resistance to curbing excessive state pension payments, but we weren't surprised.

Rosenbaum, 54, faces a challenge from Gordon Hillesland, a groundskeeper who says he agrees with "Red Diane" on most things. He's running because, like a lot of folks, he's angry about taxes. In his case, though, it's not that they're too high, but that they're not being paid, either because of questionable exemptions or lax collection. It's a valid concern, and one we hope Rosenbaum looks into.

^DISTRICT 43

North, Northeast Portland

DEMOCRAT Chip Shields

The better of two impressive young social-service advocates.

Deborah Kafoury's decision to say goodbye to the biennial Salem frustration-fest didn't worry her fellow Democrats. This seat is so safe, the only question is which local Dem would step up to replace her.

Voters have two solid choices.

Chip Shields, 36, is a well-respected social-service advocate who six years ago founded Better People, a nonprofit that helps convicts find jobs. Given the local economy, it hasn't been easy, yet the agency has a good track record, having placed more than 300 ex-cons in living-wage jobs since setting up shop, including 63 last year.

His rival, 37-year-old Tina Kotek, was a lobbyist for the Oregon Food Bank before taking her current job as policy director for Children First for Oregon, a nonprofit best-known for producing an annual report card on how well the state meets the needs of kids and their families.

Both candidates are bright go-getters who know their way around Salem and would vote the same on all key issues.

So why pick Shields? Three reasons:

First, his professional background gives him valuable insight into some of the most vexing problems facing the state: drug addiction, criminal recidivism and job training.

Second, his work has earned him the respect of conservative groups, such as the Citizens Crime Commission, that traditionally have dismissed liberal social-service advocates as fuzzy-headed idealists who've never had to work with criminals.

Finally, his list of endorsements is more impressive than any we've seen this spring, loaded up with political heavyweights including Metro President David Bragdon, City Commissioner Erik Sten, County Commissioner Serena Cruz and state labor commissioner Dan Gardner. More important, Shields is backed by many minority activists, such as Jo Ann Bowman, Harold Williams, Carl Talton and Geri Washington, who have a big stake in one of the city's most racially diverse districts.

^DISTRICT 43

North, Northeast Portland

REPUBLICAN Shirley Whitehead Freeman

Because somebody's got to get whupped by the Dems in November.

We'll be honest. We didn't spend a lot of time on this race. After all, the only way a Republican could win this seat in November is if the Democratic candidate were convicted of mass murder in mid-October. Even then it would be a close race.

So, our philosophy is that if Republicans are going to put up a candidate in this district, it might as well be someone who is, as far as we can tell, a Democrat. Shirley Whitehead Freeman, 60, is a former state children's services worker who supports universal health care and a sales tax (to replace the income tax). Her opponent in the Republican primary didn't file a voters' pamphlet statement or show up for our endorsement interview. Even if we remembered his name, we wouldn't give him the satisfaction of seeing it in print.

^DISTRICT 48

Southeast Portland, Happy Valley

REPUBLICAN Dave Mowry

The GOP's best chance for long-shot upset in fall.

Picking off an incumbent legislator is tough, particularly in a district where his party holds a significant edge in voter registration.

So it's somewhat surprising that two Republicans stepped up to challenge freshman Democrat Mike Schaufler. Both are pleasant and sincere men, but Dave Mowry, 52, is the clear choice.

Mowry, the former owner of six Subway sandwich shops, is semi-retired, serving as legislative coordinator for state Rep. Linda Flores last session. That front-row seat gave him an understanding of the Legislature that his opponent can't match. And his interest in mental-health issues would serve him well in Salem.

Bryce Reed Anderson, 47, a branch manager for Crown Capital Securities, got into the race out of a frustration with Schaufler's support for the temporary income-tax hike (subsequently defeated by voters as Measure 30).

Both men fall back on meaningless scripted soundbites (Anderson will "ensure our state lives within its means," while Mowry promises to "leave a healthy legacy for our families"), but Mowry's experience gives him the potential to provide some specifics in a long-shot bid to unseat the incumbent in November.

^DISTRICT 50

Diane Rosenbaum

Gresham

REPUBLICAN John Lim

A quiet maverick seeks a comeback.

Ah, yes: John Lim. Just hearing his name makes us smile.

Lim represented Gresham in the state Senate from 1993 to 2001 before he was forced into retirement by a term-limits law that has since been ruled unconstitutional. Now, the former importer of health products (including royal jelly) is vying for the open House seat created by Rep. Laurie Monnes Anderson's state Senate bid.

During his eight years in office, Lim, 68, repeatedly baffled Salem watchers who couldn't figure out whether he was a clueless bumbler who didn't understand party politics or a principled statesman who voted his conscience. We think it was more the latter.

In 1995, for example, Lim was one of only two Republican senators to oppose a meaningless measure urging the feds to take the spotted owl off the threatened-species list. Two years later, he was the only metro-area Republican to vote against the bill recriminalizing the possession of tiny amounts of pot and one of just three Senate Republicans to defy his party and vote against the elimination of teacher tenure. Such independence is in short supply in the Republican House caucus.

Lim's opponent in the GOP primary is Vicki Olson, a first-time candidate who lacks the experience Lim gained in the Senate and hasn't shown the maverick streak he'd bring to the House.

^DISTRICT 51

Outer Southeast Portland, Clackamas, Damascus, Boring, Estacada

DEMOCRAT Kathryn Firestone

A class act for Clackamas.

Democrats are hoping to play a little game of payback in fall, and they may have found just the candidate to pull it off.

Two years ago, House Speaker Karen Minnis recruited Linda Flores, a Republican Party activist, to knock off Rep. Jan Lee, a former Republican who jumped to the Democratic Party while in office. Flores ousted Lee in the fall election and went on to a lackluster rookie session last year.

Democrats responded this spring by bringing in Firestone, the former president of the Oregon PTA and volunteer coordinator for the North Clackamas School District. Firestone, 45, also served on the Oregon Quality Education Commission, a state panel that looked into the cost of various education programs.

That background would be welcome in Salem, where everyone talks about "bringing accountability to the classroom" but few understand what actually goes on inside schools. It also could spell trouble for Flores, who voted against the tax package school districts supported.

Firestone has two challengers: Dale Chambers, a temp worker who has dabbled in Democratic party politics, and Roger Obrist, a retired custodian who is making his fourth try for the nomination. Neither can match Firestone's credentials.

^METRO COUNCILOR DISTRICT 5

North, Northeast and downtown Portland

Rex Burkholder

A practical outlook without the loss of idealism.

When we endorsed Rex Burkholder four years ago, we worried that his history as a bicycle advocate and reputation for abrasiveness could be an obstacle to success on the Metro Council.

At times, our concerns proved valid, as when, during rookie year, Burkholder responded to the less-than-communicative Metro auditor by proposing to completely gut her office budget ("Rogue of the Week," WW, April 11, 2001).

Since then, however, Burkholder has grown into the job admirably. He has developed a mastery of budget issues, abandoning early, overly ambitious proposals--like moving Metro into the education business--without losing the visionary idealism that drove him to seek the job.

He provides a farsighted focus on changing trends in growth and transportation, such as the downside of our fossil-fuel dependence, which is currently felt at the pump.

Even if Burkholder had not proven himself, he would probably still get our endorsement in this race. Both Lulu Stroud-Johnson and Terry Parker seem to have little idea of what Metro does: They call for limiting tax abatements, streamlining permits, cleaning up contaminated land and creating jobs. It all sounds great but, alas, doesn't fall under the Metro charter approved by this region's voters.

^DISTRICT 6

Close-in Southwest to Outer Southeast Portland

Rod Monroe

The best choice to help Metro keep the boonies on board.

Our endorsement in this race probably will surprise a lot of people, including the incumbent, Rod Monroe, who has suffered some pointed criticism from this paper, and his primary challenger, Robert Liberty, whose efforts to protect land-use laws have won our praise.

In fact, we were a little surprised ourselves--but here's how we got there:

Metro, the nation's first and only regionally elected planning agency, has long existed in a legal and political netherworld, little understood by voters and barely tolerated by some officials of the three counties and 24 cities it comprises.

Under the guidance of current president David Bragdon, the negative headlines spawned by Metro in the past decade have slowed to a trickle as the agency has gained in fiscal discipline. But as the metropolitan area butts up against the urban growth boundary, Metro is now entering the most politically precarious phase of its existence.

Monroe, who has spent 10 years at Metro, has a reputation for questionable work habits, and his tendency to give campaign donors a friendly ear has raised eyebrows ("Monroe's Money," WW, May 1, 2002). Still, he has earned the trust of some suburban leaders who feel that Metro is run by a bunch of Portland liberals.

Liberty, meanwhile, could cause a revolt in the outlands. The iconic lawyer is the former head of 1000 Friends of Oregon, the combative conservation group that has a no-compromise philosophy on protecting farm and forest land from development. Ask Liberty his biggest achievements, and he reels off victories won in our adversarial court system, not through the give-and-take of negotiations. Ask him his plans for Metro, and he says he wants the agency to force outlying cities to accept more low-income housing.

This latter goal is laudable, but Monroe, a savvy former state lawmaker, says this plan of Liberty's would be a "nightmare"--and he's absolutely right.

For Metro to survive, it needs to achieve consensus. Liberty, with a reputation for abrasiveness, seems unlikely to have the patience for such things.

Already Metro critics complain that the agency's chief counsel, Dick Benner, is a co-founder of 1000 Friends. More recently, Metro hired lobbyist Randy Tucker from the group. If Liberty joins the six-member council, Metro risks becoming viewed as the extension of a single special-interest group, thus jeopardizing its very existence.

James Davis, a business owner and neighborhood activist, is the dark-horse candidate in this race. But his knowledge of Metro is lacking and his views contradictory, premised on the belief that Portland will simply stop growing.

Somehow, we don't see that happening. And we think Monroe is best suited to deal with it.

^DISTRICT 3

Includes Beaverton, Tigard, Tualatin

Carl Hosticka

A needed check on Bragdonian groupthink.

More often than most of his Metro compatriots, Carl Hosticka finds himself in the minority on council votes. We think that's a good thing.

Currently, the seven-member council is dominated by a four-vote majority led by Metro president David Bragdon. While this has led to significant and overdue reforms, it also at times seems to result in a level of groupthink and lack of public process that we find unhealthy. While we don't always agree with Hosticka's votes, he has been a voice for good government and demonstrated a willingness to buck the majority and raise uncomfortable questions.

Sometimes it seems that the 59-year-old former state lawmaker is the only grownup on the tri-county panel. He has, for example, become the de facto liaison to Metro Auditor Alexis Dow, whose run-ins with the council have earned her the silent treatment from some of Hosticka's colleagues.

Hosticka's opponent, Steve Schopp, runs with the anti-Metro crowd and Oregonians In Action. We're not sure why a candidate whose constituency fundamentally disapproves of the agency's existence is running for a seat at the table, but we're pretty sure it's a bad idea.

^MULTNOMAH COUNTY COMMISSIONER DISTRICT 1

West Portland, Inner Southeast Portland

Maria Rojo de Steffey

Never mind the brouhaha--she's still a strong commissioner.

We're as queasy as anybody about the way the Multnomah County commissioners--minus Lonnie Roberts--bypassed the public process in their clandestine deliberations on gay marriage. But that lapse in judgment alone isn't sufficient cause to jettison quality commissioners like Maria Rojo de Steffey.

In her maiden term, Rojo de Steffey has amassed both tangible accomplishments (like securing $34 million in federal cash to replace the Sauvie Island Bridge and helping find operational funds for the county's temporary home for abused and neglected kids) and a reputation for fiscal responsibility. She has also championed seniors and sustainability; she even managed to slap a green roof on the county building, a marvel in this economic climate.

Critics bemoan Rojo de Steffey's tendency to play things a little too close to the vest and her reluctance to run afoul of embattled County Chair Diane Linn, but none of this is horrific enough to warrant an ouster. Her five opponents, almost all of whom entered the race in protest of the gay-marriage decision, are political amateurs who don't seem to have done any research about what the job entails.

The most prominent two are Kerry Dugan, an owner of a small marketing firm who emphasizes strengthening social services, and Joseph Tam, a state Bureau of Labor and Industries investigator who wants more open government. Neither makes a convincing case for dumping Rojo de Steffey.

^DISTRICT 3

Outer Southeast Portland

Lisa Naito

You'll never hear her giving a rousing speech, but she gets things done.

It's tough to imagine a bloc of voters more amenable to sporadic fits of extreme liberalism like Lisa Naito's active advocacy of gay marriage than those who reside in her district. But that issue aside, Naito has enough accomplishments under her belt to fend off her competition.

She has two foes in this race. Ron McCarty, a tax consultant and former state rep, is a habitual candidate who faced Naito for this office in 2000. There could hardly be a worse choice for elected office than McCarty, whose two legislative terms redefined ineptitude.

The other candidate, book salesman and former Baptist preacher Roy Burkett, shines only in comparison with McCarty. Burkett filed for the office (on the last possible day) because of his opposition to gay marriage--something he bizarrely links to polygamy. Burkett also supports a repeal of the county's income-tax surcharge and laments the lack of Internet filters at county libraries. On any other issue, Burkett isn't even familiar with the basics and talks in vague platitudes.

Next to these two, Naito is a model commissioner. Around county HQ, she's known as someone who is focused, efficient and willing to wade through bureaucratic quagmires to get things accomplished. She worked hard to pass a tax levy in 2002; she established the Early Childhood Framework, a set of services for youngsters under kindergarten age; and she has endeavored to provide mental-health services to people stuck in the criminal-justice system. Insiders say she lacks passion and only cares about the issues she's working on, but these are quibbles against a larger backdrop of strong performance.

^DISTRICT 4

East County: Gresham, Troutdale, et al.

Lonnie Roberts

Because you have no other real choice.

After getting left out of the gay-marriage loop, Commissioner Lonnie Roberts was rightly pissed. But it did have one plus: He's facing neither a recall nor a tough opponent. That's too bad.

It's not that we dislike his politics; as a moderate Democrat, he's only conservative by Portland standards. In fact, Roberts' opposition to same-sex marriage and advocacy of the county sheriff's department fit well with his constituents.

Our gripe is with his effectiveness. Roberts, more than anyone on the county board, is in serious need of a wake-up call. A longtime state legislator, Roberts is without a doubt the least visible of the commissioners, and it isn't a stylistic difference--he's just not getting a whole lot done. His emphasis as a commissioner is on public safety, education and seniors, but he has few accomplishments he can point to.

County insiders worry about Roberts' work ethic and susceptibility to the influence of his much more conservative staffer, onetime Oregon Citizens Alliance compatriot Gary Walker. Roberts' sole opponent, former trucker Lonnie Stout, has basically dropped out of the race because of the death of his father. Between the two, who share very similar views, we think the incumbent is a better bet--but Roberts, a former trucker himself, needs to get his ass in gear.

^MEASURE 26-53

City of Portland

YES

A spring housekeeping to clean up the fall ballot.

This ballot measure will not bring peace in Iraq, but it will correct a redundancy in the city electoral process.

Under current city election law, if nobody wins a majority of votes in this month's nonpartisan mayoral primary (or council races), the top two vote-getters face each other in a runoff held during November's general election.

If, on the other hand, a candidate--say, Scot Campbell, a.k.a. Extremo the Clown--should win a majority of votes in the primary, then under current law, Extremo's name would still be on the November ballot, unopposed.

A "yes" vote on M26-53 would change that, keeping the fall ballot free of any candidate who wins a majority vote in the spring.

Putting candidates' names on the ballot after they have already won is pointless, confusing and unfair. Even when they're clowns.